A. Musical Signs Rarely Used In The Song
When we read or recite the Hebrew text with its rediscovered melody, we encounter the sacred art music, the melos of the biblical authors themselves, as it was transmitted
without essential change to the Masoretes and the religiously authoritative Letteris Edition used around the world.
This assertion (which we have already made in Chapter 1)
is actually supported by Masoretic and Rabbinic traditions concerning the te`amim as used in antiquity. Haïk-Vantoura documents the direct evidence for this claim elsewhere.1
In the Song of Songs, the skillful interweaving of poetic and musical forms, of verbal and melodic syntaxes and
meaning, confirm this. Such formal correlations between words and melody makes the exegesis of the meaning possible
(within the limits we have defined). Some of the most striking correlations involve the use of te`amim found commonly in the rest of the Bible but rarely
in the Song of Songs.
The word çov, "return...!"
in Song 2:17 is marked by a musical sign, telischa ketaNa,
found nowhere else in the Song -- one which (when combined with the word it marks) suggests a
return after a departure. Another, gerschayim, is used only in Song 1:8 (on lakh,
describing motion); 2:14 (on yonaTi, suggesting the fluttering of a dove's wings); 5:2 (on li,
"to me", suggesting the opening
of a door); and 7:13 (on nirê, "we
will see").
Zakef gadol (a descending melisma which
makes a word "stand out" strongly in context) is found in Song 2:11 (on haGeschem, "the rain"); 3:1 (biKaschTiv, "I sought him"); 3:2 ('avakscha, "I will seek"); 5:12 (ênav, "his eyes", perhaps suggesting their gazing at Shulamith); 7:10 (vehikekh, "and your palate"); and twice in a row
in 8:6 (on reschafeha rischpê, "its
flashes are flashes of...").
A linked pair of melismas, zarkha and
çegolta (a combination extremely
common in the Bible) appears only once: in Song 5:1 (on legaNi, "into my garden", and khaLa, "bride", respectively). This verse (as we note) is the pivotal
verse in the Song's poetic and musical structure. The verbal action revolves
around this verse, just as the verse's melodic line pivots around the 5th degree, then resolves on the 4th.
Aside from these, only the simplest melismas in the prosodic system are used. Several others with very particular
characteristics are ignored. Commentators rightly guess that the lyrical quality of the Song prevents their use;
even in ancient synagogue chant, the piquant melismas used in other books are avoided. In the rediscovered "art
music" of the Song, only those motives, those melismas which lend themselves to lyrical
expression are used.
Besides the melismas, some of the sublinear signs (representing notes of the scale) are used in ways rarely (if
ever) found elsewhere. We find so-called "independant" (grammatically "disjunctive") forms
of mounah
in Song 1:13, 14 (both times immediately preceding Dodi);
of darga in Song 2:7; 3:5; 8:4 (always
on Ta'irou); and of merkha in Song 4:13 (twice, on Gan
and Gal).
Normally (according to the post-imposed "grammatical rules" for the notation), these signs are "conjunctives":
they link rather than divide words. Most so-called "independant" ("disjunctive") forms of these
signs are not characterized as separate "accents" by the early treatises ("independant" mounah, which
is found in the Song, is alone so treated). They are seemingly ignored, even if the textual tradition itself points
them out.2
Under Haïk-Vantoura's musical key, the musical meaning is unchanged in these places; no musical sign is irreversibly "conjunctive" or "disjunctive". Yet the use of these signs in such grammatical
contexts is unusual for prosody; the "lyricism" of the Song (in its "psalmodic" rhythm and
verbal poetry) is responsible for this.
B. Unusual Features of the Musical Tradition
In its musical annotation, the Song of Songs differs little from one source to another (whether manuscripts or
printed editions). Specialists may be interested in what differences exist, and how they affect the resulting melody.
In particular, there are some apparent "scribal errors" in Song 2 (Letteris Edition) which affect the
exact understanding of the verses where they are found. We will treat the major examples below.
o One would normally expect to find (in Song 2:3) the musical sign zakef katon on the word haScharon. The sign is missing in the Letteris and Snaith Editions, but not in the BHS or Ginsburg critical
editions. (No notes in the latter mention whether zakef katon is missing in any manuscripts.) The same is true for the word leroschi in Song 2:6: zakef katon
is missing in Letteris and Snaith, but not in BHS and Ginsburg.
According to the normal rules of Haïk-Vantoura's musical key (and the traditional grammatical rules for that
matter), zakef katon should follow the
sublinear mounah
in both cases. Its inclusion gives a certain softness
to the melody in both verses (it would mark, in effect, a "feminine" cadence). Its omission in 2:3 gives
the hemistich a suspensive, "masculine" cadence on the 5th degree. This gives the words so marked a degree
of tension (or rather a lack of resolution)
that would not otherwise exist.
Letteris and Snaith have different "accent traditions" in general (as a simple comparison of their texts
will show). It is highly unlikely that they would have the same upper sign missing in the same place by chance.4 The normal rules of the musical system show
that this reading is indeed an omission, one which Haïk-Vantoura nevertheless scrupulously respected (and
thankfully, not to the serious harm of the melos
in context).
o The Letteris, Ginsburg, Snaith and BHS Editions also differ in their use of siLouk when it is found on any but the last stressed syllable of a verse.5 The post-Masoretic scribes often omitted siLouk as redundant (perhaps assuming the reader would automatically supply the unmarked pauses, or being ignorant
of why the pauses were necessary). In many cases, this sign was moved to a neighboring syllable or even word in
order to make its use more "grammatically self-consistent". Some scribes even added siLouk here and there,
by comparison to Letteris. Many of these differences were tabulated in the famous lists of "ben Asher"
and "ben Naphtali" readings (said to represent the opinions of the two greatest Masoretic masters).
Such changes are by far the largest source of musical anomalies when the editions
that have them are analyzed under Haïk-Vantoura's musical key. (The changes
are especially common in the Psalms.) In virtually every case, the Letteris reading is musically superior to that
of the other editions; to omit or move siLouk
(relative to Letteris) is to deform the connection between words and melody. As Haïk-Vantoura notes, it gives
the melody a sense of deformation, even of mutilation
to the initiated reader.6 Occasionally
the variation makes no essential difference in the resulting melodic line, but this is relatively rare.7
o In some cases, one or even a series of musical signs found in Letteris is replaced by another in the other editions. Ginsburg lists a number of such variants, found in manuscripts
and the earliest printed editions.
o In every case we have found where Snaith, BHS or Ginsburg differs from Letteris within the Song of Songs, the
Letteris reading is musically superior
under Haïk-Vantoura's key. This is shown by how the altered melodies interpret the words they support.
A few comparisons between Letteris and Ginsburg will illustrate:
1) The words isch harbo
`al - yerékho ("every man with his sword on his thigh") in
Song 3:8 are accented differently in Letteris and the main text of Ginsburg on the one hand and the margin of Ginsburg
on the other, as this
link will demonstrate. Letteris and Ginsburg (main text) have a melisma
which raises the voice on harbo from the 6th to the 7th degree; the melody returns to the 6th degree (and a stable, suspensive
cadence on the 5th degree) on `al - yerékho.
The Ginsburg marginal reading takes the voice from the 6th to the 5th degree on harbo; the melody then leads to a cadence on the 4th degree
on `al - yerékho. The latter reading
"falls flat" in its expression, in comparison to the former. The joy
and grandeur expressed by the "lift" in the Letteris reading is
blunted in the more "monotone"
(and yet more "chromatic") Ginsburg marginal reading. It takes so
little to disturb the delicate balance of the melos!
2) Other such variations are found in the Ginsburg Edition's main text (e.g., Song 2:8, at hiNé
- zé) as well as the marginal notes. Several exist because of efforts
to make both words and te`amim identical
or similar in parallel texts. Song 5:10 (margin) is one example (the signs on Dodi
tsah, "My Loved One is white",
are made the same as those which mark the incises of 5:13-15).
3) A longer substitution is found in Song 7:14, in which Ginsburg's marginal reading divides the hemistichs differently
and parallels the sequence of signs in 7:1. Another long substitution is in 8:14a (margin), which is verbally parallel
to 2:9a (the sequence of signs in the two hemistichs is made virtually identical). In each of these cases, we hold
the Letteris reading is musically superior; it fits the musical-verbal context better. Moreover, giving at times
different melodies to similar verbal texts allows a more interesting and expressive melodic-poetic structure
overall (this being a principle found in all art music).
o Aharon ben Asher, in his treatise Dikdoukê ha-Te`amim (ca. 930), notes an unusual feature of the tradition: the apparent substitution of merkha for siLouk (relative to Letteris) on the word Te`orrou ("you awaken") in Song 2:7; 3:5; and 8:5.8
As it happens, the resulting melody in verse 2:7 (as in the other examples) is not
defective compared with the more "conservative" reading derived
from the Letteris Edition. If anything, the substitution suggested by ben Asher would make the
melody more interesting and piquant --
and yet at least as suitable to the verbal context. (Ben Asher's reading neatly pictures the sense of awakening through its subtle rise to the 2nd degree followed
by a fall to the 7th subtonic degree.) And yet, we must acknowledge that ben Asher may simply be giving his opinion about a textual feature which may have another
explanation (such as the consistent scribal tendency to add nuanced grammatical distinctions to even the written
forms of the signs), or of how he believed the notation "should" read. Since this issue is beyond the
scope of this study, we will say no more about it here.
C. Criticism and Authority
While examining the textual sources of the Letteris Edition is beyond the scope of this study, the source materials
cannot be ignored. A few paragraphs will suffice.
It is commonly acknowledged that the Letteris Edition is a revision of the text found
in the Second Rabbinic Bible published by Jacob ben Hayyim (Venice, 1524-1525). This latter edition is the basis
for the main text of the Ginsburg Edition as well. No doubt this explains why Letteris and the main text of Ginsburg
are so similar to each other overall and rather distant from other, later editions (especially with regards to
the accentuation).
Nevertheless, in the Psalms especially, Letteris' accentuation is often unique among extant editions, matching neither that of
the ancient "ben Asher" manuscripts nor that of any early or modern printed edition we have seen to date
(once again, Ginsburg and some of its marginal readings excepted in some cases). We do not yet know on what basis
Meir ha-Levi Letteris edited the ben Hayyim text, in particular with regard to its accentuation. Discovering that
basis is one of the long-term goals of our academic research.9
Meanwhile, specialists know that a late manuscript or edition produced with care,
containing a carefully guarded textual tradition, may be superior to even the oldest extant manuscripts (especially
if the older ones were produced less carefully.) Besides, in classical (as opposed to modern) criticism the authoritative edition (and not any critical amendation) gets the benefit of any doubt. This is not "argument from authority";
it is giving authority its due. As distasteful
as the idea seems to some people, we hold that God does work through consituted human authority -- sometimes despite
its own intentions (cf. Romans 3:1-4). The difficulty lies in knowing which human authority to trust as being used of God --
and the Hebrew-Christian Bible has much to say on this issue as well (e.g., Acts 5:29).
It is worth noting that Letteris is the basis of countless rabbinic editions around the world and has the full
approval of the international Orthodox rabbinate (despite its original production by a Christian missionary society,
the British and Foreign Bible Society of London). We are confident that further research will confirm the overall
critical authority of Letteris as well (at least concerning its accentual tradition).
Finally, while it is often claimed there was no single, "authoritative" Masoretic tradition, no sole
textus receptus, Moshe ben Asher's testimony
of the "establishment" of the te`amim
by the Elders of Bathyra needs to be given its due weight.10 If even Aharon ben Asher (and without question, later scribes) disagreed with (and sometimes
emended) the received musical tradition, this does not prove that a received tradition did not exist. It merely
confirms (with the insufficiency of the traditional interpretations of the te`amim) that the received tradition was not understood by its preservers, and was critiqued and sometimes
emended accordingly.
This much we can safely conclude: the Letteris Edition accurately preserves the melody to which the Song of Songs
was originally sung (in its Second Temple edition). Such is the complexity of the overall poetic structure and
of the gracious interweaving of verbal and melodic themes that we dare add "since the Song of Songs was first
written". While the Song's accurate transmission is ultimately a matter of faith in God's work through human
instruments (cf. Romans 3:1-4 once again, as well as Isaiah 40:6-9 and similar verses), the evidence provided by
the Song's own melos clearly supports
this belief.
D. The Authorship of the Song of Songs and Ecclesiastes
It is often claimed the Song of Songs and Ecclesiastes -- both ascribed to Solomon -- were written long after Solomon's
time. We have dealt with some of the textual reasons above; there are others which are beyond the scope of this
study.
As Haïk-Vantoura points out, certain texts dating from medieval and Renaissance Europe have later words substituted
for earlier, obsolete ones; that does not mean the texts as a whole are recent! Any such amendation to either above-mentioned
biblical book must have been done by initiates (namely, the Levite musician-scribes). As noted in Appendix One,
many "late" words in the Song (such as `apiryon)
are not demonstrably late at all.
We should remember that Solomon, renowned for his unique wisdom, received visitors
from "all kings of the earth, who had heard of his wisdom" (cf. 1 Kings 4:29-34). Given the contacts
Israel had in commerce, diplomacy and the arts, it would only be natural for foreign words to enter the Hebrew
language. Certainly Solomon would be conversant with foreign terms, even if the common people were not. Would these
terms have remained out of his writings? We think not.
Of course, we say Solomon was young when he wrote the Song of Songs; but he shows signs of being very well-traveled,
even then. Besides, would not David have had similar diplomatic contacts? Not only given the Levant's importance
as a land bridge, but due to David's own connections with the king of Tyre? Many so-called "late" words
may have had wider currency earlier than we suspect; trade and diplomatic networks stretched as far east as China,
long before David's time. The very mention of kiNamon
or cinnamon (in Exodus 30:23, Proverbs 7:17 and Song 4:14) is one of the evidences of this.
Contemporary sources (it is alleged) are silent about Solomon's existence, let alone the travels to hear his wisdom.
Others have contested this idea, with good reason (which we cannot go into here). As a partial refutation, we may
point to the cosmopolitan language that
Solomon uses. Its traits (which seem so "recent" to some) are consistent with diplomatic and commercial
contacts between Israel and other, widely-scattered nations, even before Solomon's sole regency.
Few commentators seem to consider that the creation of David's royal court implies the creation of a courtly language: a "Received Standard" or "King's
Hebrew" which incorporated diverse dialectical elements. (See our remarks about the prefix sche- in Appendix
One.) This would have reached its classic form in the reign of Solomon, when
representatives from all Israel participated in the courtly life and culture. Once established, such "courtly"
Hebrew would have influenced literary Hebrew from that time forward, just as the Arabic of the Koran has shaped
literary Arabic from its own time to the present.
Is it any surprise, then, that "Solomonic" Hebrew would resemble later biblical (and even Mishnaic) Hebrew,
or that the Song of Songs would have "northern" and "southern" elements intermingled? All this
is no proof of multiple authorship over many centuries. It merely shows that different literary influences were
brought together in a unified work. Other indications (especially musical ones) show the unifying force was a single author, not a series of authors or redactors.
Similar refutations may be offered against the allegedly late authorship of Ecclesiastes. Actually, there is verbal
and musical evidence that both books were written by the same author. We cite as an example the common use of the
prefix she-, "that, which",
in both texts, attached in similar ways to various words, supported by similar musical motives. One particular
complex of musical signs [( ) followed by ( )] and words (the prefix sche- added to another word) is found only in these two books. Song 1:7 (she'ahava) and Ecclesiastes 1:7 (schehaNhalim)
are two examples of its use. Naturally, there are more general evidences, which we have cited in the main text.
All critics acknowledge the poetic charm and high literary quality of both books. Melodically, they are approached
only by Ruth and Esther. Both books are sagacious, modally pure, complex in their poetic structure, with a subtle
graciousness and sensitivity. Both use delicate, ingenious metaphors to describe the parts and functions of the
body (Song 4; Ecclesiastes 12:1-7). If their exceptionally talented author was not Solomon, why should such a person
(or persons) claim Solomonic authorship rather than his own (or hers, or theirs)? Is not such a claim the mark
of an inferior craftsman, rather than of one who knows his own merits and the fame they deserve? True, it is a
trait of human nature to seek its own glory,
under the name of another if necessary -- but it is a law
of human nature (indeed, a test of sanity)
that no one will lie contrary to his own self-interests!
Besides, this sort of pious fraud is totally
contrary to the moral and spiritual vision of these books (to say nothing of the principle behind the Eighth Commandment).
Pseudopigrapha are written generally to persuade others into accepting unorthodox, even deceptive teachings. No such motives can be charged to the author of these books. His works have the
"ring of truth": of real, individual yet universal human experience.
Nor is this kind of artistic perfection (in the "real world", past and present) the result of redactions
by several authors over a period of time. There must have been an "Ur-text", an irreducible core
which could tolerate only the correction or updating of a living tradition. Such life as we find in the biblical
melos cannot be bestowed by a community,
whether of contemporary or successive authors. Nor is such life the mark of a simple "editor". It is
rather the mark of a single personality,
a single personal vision: that of a poet-composer, whatever sources he may draw upon.
Were these two books written about Solomon
at a later date? Could the Song of Songs be "for" or "about Solomon", while Kohelet ("the Preacher", i.e., Ecclesiastes)
represents Solomon symbolically without indicating his own authorship? Some contend that if Solomon had written
Ecclesiastes, he would have said so (forgetting the time-honored use of pen-names). These same critics deny Solomonic authorship to the Song of Songs in
spite of the attachment of Solomon's name to the text. A
priori skepticism, not irrefutable proof, is obviously behind such conclusions
as these.
Truth (as William of Occam effectively pointed out in the 14th century) is found through seeking the simplest and most complete explanation of all the facts.
Thanks to Occam's Razor, we believe the textual evidence (musical and verbal) confirms Solomonic authorship for
both books and denies all other possibilities. The Song of Songs began Solomon's musical career; Ecclesiastes ended it. Yet both books (despite their very different rhythms, use of melismas and general character)
have common threads which deserve further
exploration -- but which are beyond the scope of this book.
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